Excellent article this morning in the Times. Now I know there are some here who don't want to read anything other than their own opinions - fair enough - it can physically hurt to hear ideas opposed to your own - but for those who are interested in views outside their own echo-chambers - try this:
"There was more bad news (for anti-Brexiters) last week. The unemployment rate fell to the lowest recorded figure since 1975. There was an increase in the proportion of the workforce in secure full-time employment, and a rise in the number of jobs taken up here by people from long-established EU states such as Germany, Italy, Spain and France (weren’t they supposed to be fleeing?).
Let me be more specific: this was more bad news for the tireless tribe of pundits and politicians who still live in hope that Brexit will never happen. They are like Lenin just before the Russian Revolution, who reputedly declared of his country’s economic problems “the worse things are, the better”. He, at least, got his wishes.
But in the UK of a century later, the bad good news just keeps coming in: exports, aided by the drop in the pound, have risen by 16% since the referendum. Manufacturing order books are at a 29-year high. A slew of foreign companies that had issued dire warnings of disinvestment if the UK voted for Brexit have since done exactly the opposite: such industrial heavyweights as Siemens, BMW and Toyota have all committed themselves to increased investment in the UK.
Such plans are inherently long term: it suggests they have solid reasons to believe that this country will continue to offer a highly favourable environment for business, and perhaps also — but not necessarily — that there will be a satisfactory deal for both sides in the Brexit negotiations.
Having had their forecasts of an instant post-referendum recession refuted, the Leninists of the anti-Brexit resistance are now relying on what they hope will be a mixture of British uselessness and Brussels brilliance in these negotiations. See how excited they became when David Davis, the secretary of state responsible for the British side, attended a photoshoot in Brussels with his team and those from the EU without any papers. In fact it was simply that Davis didn’t want to risk images of his negotiating points being captured by the camera crews: the notes came out (obviously) after the snappers had left the room.
Some of the critics say that of course they knew this, but that it was a metaphor for British lack of clarity, which they contrast with the methodical way in which the EU side has set out their demands. There is something in that: the British cabinet had until recently been undecided on whether we should try to remain part of the EU customs union for some years after the official Brexit date (March 2019). Belatedly, the Treasury’s wish that we should — which would have meant no ability to negotiate our own free trade deals with other nations — was scotched.
But we have not had any clarity from Brussels about future trading arrangements, either: despite the vaunted transparency of its published “position papers”, some of which are as thorough as you would expect from such a sumptuously equipped bureaucracy, there is nothing on this immensely important topic.
There are two reasons. First, Brussels, acting for the 27 remaining EU states, doesn’t really know what it wants, other than that the outcome mustn’t be seen as better for the UK than being in the EU. Second, Brussels declared at the outset that there could be no talks about future trading arrangements until the British had agreed some sort of multibillion-euro deal to “honour its obligations” — an exit bill.
The anti-Brexit resistance fighters were delighted by the intransigence on this point of Michel Barnier, the EU’s chief negotiator. It provided them with hope of a complete breakdown in the talks — and that the prospect of a so-called cliff edge would cause the British people to rise up as one to say: “We made a mistake — please let us back.” They understand surprisingly little of the character of their fellow countrymen and women.
In fact, the insistence from Brussels on this point — though it has recently shifted ground to say there can be simultaneous negotiations on trade and the divorce bill, provided there is “sufficient progress” on the latter — is a measure of how difficult this is for the EU. As Barnier himself conceded: “Imagine if this” — a British settlement of commitments to continue funding EU expenditure — “were not to take place . . . The situation might be explosive if we have to stop programmes. Can you imagine the political problems that might arise?”
So actually the UK is not in a dreadful negotiating position — especially as there seems not the slightest legal basis for some of the more extravagant divorce bill demands (emanating especially from Poland, because it is the biggest recipient of EU funds, and France, because it is, well, France.) My guess is there will, in the end, be a deal that gives the UK most of what it wants in terms of tariff-free access to the EU single market, in return for a sum that, while big enough to let Nigel Farage claim “betrayal” — he lives for that moment — will be cheap compared with the ever-escalating amounts we would pay ad infinitum had we remained.
The person most optimistic that Brexit really can be reversed is Tony Blair. The former prime minister harbours plans to lead such a campaign, at the appropriate moment. Until then his ambassador on earth is his former policy chief Lord Adonis (who is also an appointee of this government as chairman of the National Infrastructure Commission).
In two recent newspaper articles Andrew Adonis has sought to ridicule the government’s plans to leave the customs union and conduct free trade deals with the rest of the world, sneering that, in its quest to find the best man as chief negotiator, the Department for International Trade “had to make do with an official from tiny New Zealand”.
As it happens, the man in question, Professor Crawford Falconer, has a worldwide reputation for expertise in this field. Even if he hadn’t, how disgusting to belittle a remarkable country with such close ties to our own, not just in its common legal heritage and head of state, but forged over centuries in war and peace.
This is not a matter of sentiment. New Zealand was the first developed country to sign a free-trade deal with China and to sponsor China’s entry into the World Trade Organisation. It was a pioneer in this field and gained enormous economic benefits from it.
And if Lord Adonis thinks that because of its size it can’t possibly produce someone up to a top job, what must he think of Luxembourg, 100 times smaller than New Zealand, and with an eighth of the population? That country has produced no fewer than three presidents of the European Commission: Jean-Claude Juncker is the latest to come off that particular production line — and by far the least distinguished.
Actually, Juncker represents all that is least lovable about the EU. Yet he embodies the hope of some Britons that their own country will be punished and humiliated. Somehow I don’t think they will experience that perverse pleasure, either."
Enjoy your Sunday. I am about to have some bacon and eggs with another cup of tea and read the rest of the papers. Then walk the dog and later go for a ride on my wonderful electric bike. Another day in paradise.